by William Soderberg
| Thomas Jefferson wrote that Africans
and Europeans could not come under the same government, so different were
they in nature, habit, and opinion.(1) He stated: "The
amalgamation of the one race [whites] with the other [blacks] produces
a degradation to which no lover of his country, no lover of excellence
n the human character, can innocently consent."(2)
Were attitudes that today would be described as racist formed from mere passion and ignorance? Or did they have a rationale? I will first review some reasons offered by some political and professional figures for the practices of slavery, segregation, and eugenics. I will then suggest a possible source of these attitudes with deep roots in the history of European ideas. This source I will call the concept of perfectionism. In the pre-Civil-War era, James H. Hammond, then Governor of South Carolina responded to a call for the abolition of slavery put forth by the Free Church of Scotland. He rebuked the church for its failure to recognize that the bible accepted slavery. Hammond went on to argue that the slaves of the American South were no worse off than workers in Scotland. He contended that African blacks were as free in their plantation roles as their nature allowed them to be. Further, according to Hammond, they were happy in their performance of service to the human family.(3) Later Hammond, as a U.S. Senator from South Carolina, stated a justification for slavery. "In all social systems," Hammond claimed, "there must be a class to do the manual duties, to perform the drudgery of life--that is, a class requiring but a low order of intellect. Its requisites are vigor, docility, fidelity. Such a class you must have or you would not have that other class which leads progress, civilization, and refinement. Fortunately for the South, she found a race adapted to that purpose."(4) In 1857, Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, wrote for the majority in the Dred Scott v. Sandford decision to prevent blacks from suing for their freedom in court. In support of the decision, Taney cited the view of "the civilized portion of the white race" that blacks were property and not citizens. He described blacks as an "unfortunate" and "inferior" race of people who did not merit citizenship in civilized societies. He regarded this view as common public opinion in the "civilized and enlightened portions of the world" at the time of the framing of the U.S. Constitution. He wrote: "The public history in every European nation displays [the view that blacks are property and not citizens] in a manner too plain to be mistaken."(5) On the eve of the Civil War, the Louisiana physician and writer William Holcombe presented an argument in support of the pro-slavery party.(6) He observed that the anti-slavery sentiment in the north had reached the point of hysteria, but he contended that history would vindicate the pro-slavery position. Europeans have a mission, he argued, to bring the savages of the world into a state of civilization. He claimed that throughout history the enslavement of barbaric peoples had been a means of bringing the savages into a civilized state. "African slavery is no retrograde movement," Holcombe wrote, "no discord in the harmony of nature, no violation of elemental justice, no infraction of immutable laws, human or divine--but an integral link in the grand progressive evolution of human society as an indissoluble whole."(7) Holcombe claimed that Africa and Africans had been extensively studied, and in every way African societies had been shown to be inferior to those of constitutional democratic societies and Africans had been shown inferior anatomically, socially, morally, ethologically, and historically. A liberation of the slaves, he feared, would result in "the Africanization of the South." He maintained that the whole civilized world was deeply interested in the maintenance of African slavery, since the cotton and sugar produced by slaves had risen to a position of unparalleled political and industrial importance. The eugenics movement that reached its zenith during the first decades of the twentieth century was supported by the positions of some scientists and medical writers. Although its most notorious expression occurred under the Nazi regime in Germany, the aims of the movement were pursued in other countries in various forms. A book by Paul Popenoe and Roswell Hill Johnson, entitled Applied Eugenics,(8) provides an illustration of the tone and aims of this movement in the United States. In a chapter entitled "The Color Line" Popenoe and Johnson advocate a separation of whites and blacks in the practice of bearing children. They offer alleged medical and genetic support for popular beliefs that favor such separation. Among the supposed medical and genetic support offered by Popenoe and Johnson is the alleged fact that each race of people has its unique diseases. Peoples have adapted to different environments in the course of evolutionary history: blacks have adapted to African environments, but not to the environment of North America. Further, whites have adapted to industrial economies while Africans by and large have not. For these reasons, Popenoe and Johnson maintain, preserving the color line has survival value. Popenoe and Johnson endorse the position of J. M. Mecklin, who argues that the preservation of the dominant social type through the social approval of marriages is a way of preserving "a continuous and progressive civilization."(9) Among the features that Mecklin associates with blacks is a lack of industrial and political cooperation, which he claims results in a low level of social organization. Mecklin claims that blacks display low efficiency in industrial and mechanical arts. Blacks, according to Mecklin, lack race pride as well as social and national self-consciousness. Mecklin also attributes low levels of morality to blacks along with the practices of cannibalism and slavery in their own African cultures. He finds fetishism and sorcery in their intellectual and religious life. Popenoe and Johnson claim further that blacks lack something in their germ-plasm that prevents them from competing successfully with the civilizations of the white races. Science, these authors hold, supports the prohibition of intermarriage and reproduction (what was referred to as "miscegenation") between blacks and whites. They claim that the deterioration of the Arabs is due to their miscegenation. Intelligence tests, including those given to persons of mixed race, support the theory that whites are superior to blacks in native intelligence. The conclude: "...it must be admitted not only that the Negro is different from the white, but that he is in the large eugenically inferior to the white." During the 1920's, Calvin Coolidge, in an article written while he was Vice-President of the U.S.,(10) stated that immigration to the U.S. should be open to those peoples suited for an industrial society. "Nordics propagate themselves successfully," he wrote. "With other races, the outcome shows deterioration on both sides." He cited the problem of amalgamation in his defense of the view that only some people are suitable for an industrial society. In our efforts to discover a rationale for these views, one possible explanation is that Jefferson, Hammond, Taney, Holcombe and Coolidge subscribed to a belief in the survival of the fittest. On this view power is self-justifying. If one group possesses power over another--perhaps in the form of military might--no further justification is needed for the exercise of that power. The very possession of the power justifies its use. A review of the history of Euro-American ideas reveals that the survival-of-the-fittest argument is one source of separatist attitudes. I wish to explore another source—namely, the doctrine known as the principle of perfectionism, the view that something more perfect than mere nature exists or can exist.(11) Society, according to the principle of perfectionism, should be organized in a way that will help to attain the vision of a more perfect world. I will try to show that a belief in perfectionism helps to explain the arbitrary treatment of some people by others—an arbitrariness that I call the tyranny of perfectionism.(12) Perfectionism Old and New I detect two major forms of perfectionism--one in
the ancient and medieval worlds and a second in the modern era. The tradition
of perfectionism has been a central part of the account of the world offered
by many Europeans. The texts of Plato have been employed to support and
sustain the first of the two
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NOTES 1. From Jefferson's Autobiography. Cited in Fawn M. Brodie, Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History, New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1974, p. 441. 2. Thomas Jefferson, letter to Edward Coles, August 25, 1814. Written at Monticello. 3. James H. Hammond, "Reply to a Memorial from the Free Church of Scotland on Slavery," To the Rev. Thomas Brown, D.D., Moderator of the Free Church of Glasgow, and to the Presbytery thereof, 1844. 4. Cited in PBS Series, "Africans in America," Part 4, first aired October 1998. 5. Roger B. Taney, Opinion in Dred Scott v. Sandford. Reprinted in The Annals of America, Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc., William Benton, Publisher, 1968, Vol. 8, pp. 441-442. 6. William Henry Holcombe, M.D., The Alternative: A Separate Nation or the Africanization of the South, New Orleans: Delta mammoth job office, 1860. Cover title: In Secession of the Southern States: 1860-1861. 8. Paul Popenoe and Roswell Hill Johnson, Applied Eugenics, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1926. 9. Popenoe and Johnson, from Mecklin quotation, p. 281. 10. Calvin Coolidge, "Whose Country Is This?" Good Housekeeping, Vol. 72 (Feb. 1921), pp. 13-14, 106-109. 11. This definition reflects the discussion of the scale of being in Arthur Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961. 12. A parallel argument is presented in Lucius T. Outlaw, Jr., On Race and Philosophy, New York: Routledge, 1996, pp. 192-196. Outlaw explores the roots of perfectionism in the doctrine of the chain of being and the principle of plenitude. I add the state-of-nature vs. the state-of-civilization distinction to Outlaw’s analysis. Charles Mills in The Racial Contract, Cornell University Press, 1997, provides an account of the exclusion of various non-European peoples from the social contract. Many were viewed by Europeans as living in a state of nature. 13. Plato, Republic, Translated by F. M. Cornford, London: Oxford University Press, 1941; first American printing, 1945, 545d4-547c5, pp. 268-270. 15. In one major form of the doctrine of the divine right of kings, the divine right to rule was conferred when the clergy approved the appointment of the king. For a discussion, see John Figgis, The Divine Right of Kings, New York: Harper and Row, 1965. 16. The socialist and human rights movements of the 19th and 20th centuries reflect these utopian visions. 17. John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, second treatise, Book II, Chap. 2, par. 13. 18. Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought, Boston: Beacon Press, 1992, pp. 44-45. 19. Immanuel Kant, "Theory and Practice Concerning the Common Saying: This May Be True in Theory But Does Not Apply in Practice," in The Philosophy of Kant: Immanuel Kant's Moral and Political Writings, edited by Carl J. Friedrich, New York: Random House, The Modern Library, 1949, p. 422. 20. Kant's remarks on Africans are found in Observations
on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime, Translated by John T.
Goldthwaite, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960,
21. Immanuel Kant, Conjectural Beginning of
Human History, Translated by Emil L.Fackenheim, in Lewis White Beck,
ed., Kant: On History, Indianapolis: Bobbs Merrill, 1957,
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